Studia Universitatis “Babeş-Bolyai,” Historia Volume 59, Num rul 1, December 2014 Banquets of Gods, Banquets of Men. Conviviality in the Ancient World I. Archaeology 1 JOHN BAINES Not only with the dead: banqueting in ancient Egypt 35 FLORIN GOGÂLTAN Drinking with the gods? The problem of Bronze Age pot deposits in Transylvania 83 DRAGOŞ M NDESCU The banquets of Thracians as an expression of intercultural contacts. A quick glance through the strainer's holes 96 FRANCK PERRIN Des coupes-crânes chez les anciens Celtes ? 106 GELU FLOREA Late Iron age spits from Dacia 115 C T LIN CRISTESCU Feasting with the king. The tableware of Sarmizegetusa Regia 153 MARIANA EGRI, AUREL RUSTOIU Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region. The case of the Sâncr ieni hoard 189 MANUEL FIEDLER Bankette für Liber Pater in Apulum 204 CONSTANZE HÖPKEN Ein Bankett für Sabazios in Straubing Cuprins ii 215 SILVIA MUSTA , SZILÁMÉR-PÉTER PÁNCZEL, DÁVID PETRU , KATALIN SIDÓ Drinking and gaming in the Roman fort of Porolissum. Preliminary data offered by the excavation at building C3 239 VIORICA RUSU BOLINDE Pottery in funerary contexts – some aspects of conviviality in Roman Dacia II. History and epigraphy 285 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Perspectives on the phenomenon of ritual sacrifice, sacralization of food and conviviality in the Classical world 308 ANGUS BOWIE Krater and kratos: the politics of Greek dining 322 GYÖRGY NÉMETH Two banquets of Socrates 334 VICTOR COJOCARU Ladung zu Opfer und Bankett als Auszeichnung der Fremde im pontischen Raum und der Pontikoi in der Fremde 345 MADALINA DANA « Le banquet des sophistes » : représentation funéraire, représentation sociale sur les stèles de Byzance aux époques hellénistique et impériale 372 LIVIO ZERBINI Le banquet en tant que forme de sociabilité et l’évergétisme romain 380 FRITZ MITTHOF Epulum dedit: Öffentliche Bankette in den lateinischen Inschriften Cuprins 391 iii IRINA NEMETI, SORIN NEMETI I banchetti religiosi nella Dacia romana. Testimonianze epigrafiche In memoriam 403 Radu Ardevan Hartmut Wolff (1941 - 2012) Book reviews 414 Luca-Paul Pupez , Veacul întunecat al Daciei. Arheologie şi istorie în spaţiul carpato-danubian de la sfârşitul secolului III a.Chr. până la începutul secolului I a.Chr. (The Dark Age of Dacia. Archaeology and History in the Carpathian-Danubian Region between the End of the 3rd Century BC and the Beginning of the 1st Century BC), Cluj-Napoca, Mega Publishing House, 2012 DINU IOAN BERETEU 420 Peter S. Wells, Image and Response in Early Europe, London, Duckworth, 2008 C T LIN CRISTESCU 424 Jason König, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, Greg Woolf (eds.), Ancient Libraries, Cambridge – New York, Cambridge University Press, 2013 PÁZSINT ANNAMARIA - IZABELLA 426 R zvan Mateescu, Istoriile unui templu (The Histories of a Temple), Biblioteca Musei Napocensis XXXVIII, Cluj-Napoca: Mega, 2012. SILVIA MUSTA iv Cuprins This volume includes the proceedings of the sixteenth international colloquium of the Department of Ancient History and Archaeology of the Babeş-Bolyai University Cluj, on the subject of “Banquets of Gods, Banquets of Men. Conviviality in the Ancient World”, held on November 23rd- 24th, 2012, in Cluj. Due to the diversity of subjects addressed by the participants, the two days of the conference were subdivided into morning sessions reserved for epigraphical and historical topics and afternoon sessions for the archaeological ones; which is reflected by the structure of this volume. Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region. The case of the Sâncr ieni hoard Mariana Egri Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai Cluj-Napoca Aurel Rustoiu Institutul de Arheologie şi Istoria Artei Cluj-Napoca Abstract. The article is analysing the practical and symbolic meanings of the silver hoard discovered at Sâncr ieni, in eastern Transylvania. The recovered inventory consists of one specific set of garment accessories, the assemblage of different drinking vessels, two silver coins and a ceramic vessel which was presumably used as a container. Previous analyses of the hoard suggested that the vessels belonged to a feasting assemblage amassed by one of the local chieftains, and the deposit might have been a particularly lavish offering. However, the comparative analysis of its context of discovery, the functional structure of the assemblage and the functional and structural relationships between this hoard and others from the north and the south of the Danube indicates that the hoard is more likely related to the social function, status and identity of a priestess, being similar with those used in rituals. Thus the interred assemblage is the result of a commemorative practice through which the material symbols related to the social self of a deceased priestess were buried in order to be transferred into another world. The silver drinking vessels might have been selected, brought over and offered by a number of individuals as part of a ritual of separation, which might have also contributed to the reiteration of the social connections between the participants. Key words: funerary feast, commemoration, silver hoard, Dacia, identity. Rezumat: Convivialitate sacr la Dun rea de Jos. Cazul tezaurului de la Sâncr ieni. Articolul analizeaz semnifica iile practice şi simbolice ale tezaurului de argint descoperit la Sâncr ieni, în Transilvania r s ritean . Inventarul recuperat const dintr-un set specific de accesorii vestimentare, grupul de vase de b ut diferite, dou monede de argint şi un vas ceramic folosit probabil ca recipient. Analize precendente ale tezaurului au sugerat c vasele apar ineau unui ansamblu festiv acumulat de unul din şefii locali, iar depunerea poate s fi fost o ofrand deosebit de somptuoas . Îns analiza comparativ a contextului de descoperire, structura func ional a ansamblului şi raporturile func ionale şi structurale între acest tezaur şi altele de la nord şi de la sud de Dun re indic faptul c tezaurul e mai probabil legat de func ia social , statutul şi identitatea unei preotese; vasele seam n cu cele folosite în ritualuri. Astfel, ansamblul îngropat este rezultatul unei practici comemorative prin care simbolurile materiale legate de identitatea social a preotesei decedate au fost Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region 154 îngropate pentru a fi transferate într-o alt lume. Vasele de b ut din argint pot s fi fost selectate, aduse şi oferite de un num r de indivizi ca parte a unui ritual de desp r ire, ceea ce poate s fi contribuit la rîndul s u la reiterarea leg turilor sociale dintre participan i. Cuvinte cheie: banchet funerar, comemorare, tezaur de argint, Dacia, identitate. Introduction The convivial practices of various societies are amongst the most investigated topics of the social anthropology and archaeology of the last decades, following the development of processual and post-processual analytic approaches. It is now largely acknowledged that the collective feasts can be among the most influential means of authority and control, but they can also promote social cohesion and contribute to the construction of communal identity, while serving as highly effective social-political and economic instruments1. All human societies create and use a variety of specific convivial practices which serve certain purposes and are adapted to particular contexts and situations, as the communal food and beverage consumption contributes to the construction and preservation of social connections through the sharing of a life-supporting, multi-sensorial and even emotional experience. As a consequence, there is a wide variety of feasting practices, each being characterised by different specific dining styles, rules, foodstuffs and paraphernalia, and fulfilling various practical and symbolic scopes. Thus, although the convivial practices of one community might have influenced the neighbouring or the more distant ones, a certain degree of caution must be exercised in the interpretation of the adoption, incorporation and adaptation of foreign foodstuffs, goods and practices into local dining styles. For example the presence of Mediterranean drinking vessels in assemblages recovered from Late Iron Age contexts in the temperate Europe does not necessarily imply the adoption of the corresponding banqueting styles, as the local consumers consistently selected such goods according to their own feasting habits, frequently integrating them into quite different dining sets2. Furthermore, even in the case in which the “barbarian” consumers got in direct contact with, and had the chance to experience, the Mediterranean feasting practices, they might 1 Castillo et al. 1996, 7-8; Dietler 1996; 2001, 65-74; 2006, 232-233; Hamilakis 1998; 2008; Hayden 2001; Poux 2004; Williams 2004, 421-423; Egri/Rustoiu 2008; Egri 2013a etc. 2 See the examples in Dietler 1996; Poux 2004; Egri/Rustoiu 2008 etc. Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 155 have chosen to take over and spread further only some elements, perhaps the most visible and spectacular, while neglecting the more subtle details and their meanings that required a lengthy, intimate and guided initiation and familiarization. Some attempts have been made to classify the feasting practices from a theoretical point of view3, mostly by taking into consideration their main social-political outcome, albeit in practice these categorisations seldom work due to the frequent identification of overlapping and sometimes conflicting features, actors, practices and meanings in specific archaeological contexts4. One eloquent example is the commemorative feast performed in a well-structured hierarchical society, like the one which will be discussed below, that was meant to support the restoration or reiteration of social cohesion, being at the same time diacritical due to the selective inclusion of only certain individuals, but it can also interpreted as an occasion of socialpolitical competition within the given group. The identification of archaeological contexts related to feasting practices can be problematic especially outside the Mediterranean world due to the scarcity of relevant written and iconographic evidence that can be used as a point of reference. More specifically, the Greek and Roman literary accounts of the convivial practices of many Late Iron Age populations from the temperate Europe may be distorted due to the use of recurrent ethnographic topoi or anachronic sources, or by the political and intellectual agenda of the authors5. At the same time, some of these populations might have left very little relevant iconographic evidence, thus providing a rather patchy image of their visual language, which makes the interpretation quite difficult. In these situations the detailed analysis of relevant archaeological contexts may provide the necessary answers, completing and correcting the scarce information recovered from other sources, or even adding new dimensions to this important part of the social-political, spiritual and economic life of a community. The identification of feasting assemblages raises other methodological problems, because not every inventory containing many drinking vessels, cooking- or dining-related implements and food remains is an indicator of such practices. The answer lays in the contextual analysis of the assemblages, taking into consideration relevant features6 like the settings, the participants, Dietler 1996; 2001, 65-74; Hayden 2001, 35-40. Hamilakis 2008, 16-17. 5 See for example the comments in Poux/Feugère 2002, 202-211; Petre 2004, 178 and 235-236; Nelson 2005, 38-44; Craven 2007, 37-43. 6 Hayden 2001, 40-41, table 2.1. 3 4 156 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region the functional structure and quality of the inventory, the preparation and dining style, the nature and quantity of foodstuffs and beverage, the ancillary paraphernalia and the manner in which the remains were disposed of. Furthermore, the nature of such assemblages and contexts can be validated through a comparison with the evidence coming from settlement and burial contexts and inventories belonging to the same community. Amongst the many categories of collective feasts the funerary and commemorative ones play an important social and political role in all human societies, as they contribute to the restoration of social cohesion disturbed by the death of any individual, by facilitating the reincorporation of the mourners into the social body, and at the same time the safe transition of the deceased from the world of the living into the otherworld7. The commemorative feasts are also a form of mnemonic practice, involving sensorial and emotional experiences, which contributes to the construction, reiteration and manipulation of collective memory and identity. According to Hamilakis, “mortuary feasting […] is a mode of generalised consumption, where food, bodies, persons and memories are consumed”8. Taking into consideration the aforementioned methodological observations and theoretical framework, the present article is going to discuss the functional structure and the interring context of the silver hoard from Sâncr ieni, as well as its symbolic and practical significance. The context of discovery The hoard of silver objects has been accidentally discovered in 1953 in an andesite quarry located westward of the Sâncr ieni village (Harghita County) and at around 1 km southward of the Dacian fortress of Jigodin I (Fig. 1). A controlled explosion has been carried out in the quarry on 11 August 1953, to remove a large and unstable rock that threatened the workers’ safety. Nine silver vessels, one bracelet and one brooch have been discovered after the explosion, on the upper side of the hill, between the roots of a wild rose shrub. Other items have been recovered during the next two days in the presence of some specialists and representatives of the local administration, a few on the same spot and others either scattered around due to the explosion or returned by the workers. The recovered assemblage of silver objects weights 3650 gr and comprises one brooch of the late LT type, two bracelets, one Dyrrachium drachma, one Thasos tetra-drachma 7 Hamilakis 1998, 115-118; 2008, 16; Williams 2004, 421-423; Jones 2007, 57-60. See also Hertz 2004; Morris 1992, 1-2; Parker Pearson 1999, 142-168. 8 Hamilakis 1998, 117. Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 157 and 15 vessels9. Aside from them, some fragments of a handmade ceramic jar have also been discovered, probably the remains of the container in which at least some of the inventory was buried10. Some of the silver vessels have been deteriorated in the explosion. However many of them are quite well preserved. Some vessels might have been disassembled prior to burial in ancient times, a hypothesis suggested by the discovery of separate handles and foot bases that were not attached to the cups. Lastly, it seems that the hoard has been incompletely recovered. In previous literature it has been presumed that some coins, jewellery, vessels or part of them were lost11. Still, the structure and significance of the entire presumed assemblage can be convincingly reconstructed from the recovered inventory. All of the recovered artefacts have been taken over by the Museum of Miercurea Ciuc on 15 August 1953. In 1971 the large majority of the finds has been transferred to the National Museum of Romanian History in Bucharest (at that time the newly established National Museum of History of the Socialist Republic of Romania), whereas a few fragments of silver vessels remained in the collections of the Harghita County Museum12. Several restoration procedures were performed, first in the Museum of Miercurea Ciuc and later in Bucharest, the most recent interventions modifying the initial aspect of some artefacts13. As a consequence, the pictures and drawings from the first publications discussing the hoard are more reliable as they present the initial aspect of the finds, so these will also be used in this analysis14. The geography and archaeology of the region in which the hoard has been found (Fig. 1) are also relevant for understanding its context of use and burial, and its symbolic significance. The Ciuc Depression, crossed from the north to the south by the Olt River and connected with the regions situated outside the Carpathians or with Central Transylvania through a Kovács 1953, 15-17. Székely 1954, 24, pl. 17/4-5. 11 Popescu 1958, 157; Spânu 2012a, 70. 12 Crişan 2000, 69-71, pl. 123/6-8, “rediscovered” these fragments in the Museum of Miercurea Ciuc and presumed that they belonged to some unpublished vessels. However, the fragments belong to some of the vessels discovered in 1953, see Székely 1954, pl. 12/2, 14/7, 17/2; Spânu 2012a, 71. 13 See further in Spânu 2012a. 14 The first pictures and drawings have been published shortly after the discovery by Z. Székely (1954), many silver vessels being still un-restored. Afterwards, D. Popescu has published extensively the entire hoard, the items being already restored, albeit without any major morphological changes (Popescu 1958; 1967). Glodariu 1974, pl. 35-38/a4 reproduces the drawings published by D. Popescu. The kantharoi have recently been redrawn and re-published by D. Spânu (2012a). 9 10 158 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region series of passes used from ancient times, has rich resources of iron which were exploited from the Early Iron Age onwards15. Numerous traces of iron processing (including bloomeries) that can be dated to the Late Iron Age have been identified in the region16. Between the 2nd century BC and the 1st century AD, these iron resources, as well as the related distribution networks, were controlled through a system of fortified settlements and fortresses located alongside the regional routes of communication. Each of these centres was surrounded by a network of rural settlements17, illustrating a high density of habitation in spite of the colder local climate in comparison with the neighbouring Transylvanian regions or with those from the east or south of the Carpathians. In this context, it has to be noted that the hoard from Sâncr ieni has been discovered in the central part of the Ciuc Depression, southward of the west – east line of fortresses blocking the access into the region. More precisely, three fortresses with walls built of stone, timber and earth are located in the close vicinity, forming a triangle on the right bank of the Olt River (the Jigodin I, II and III fortresses)18, whereas another fortress is located eastward, on the left bank of the Olt, at Leliceni19. A series of artefacts recovered from these fortresses or from the adjacent rural settlements (ceramic and metal vessels, garment accessories, jewellery etc) indicates the establishing of certain exchange relationships with several distant communities (from the east and south of the Carpathians or from Transylvania, but also with others from the Balkans, the eastern Mediterranean etc), and also a significant degree of mobility of certain individuals. Lastly, some archaeological contexts from settlements or isolated find-spots point to a series of ritual practices that are similar to those encountered across a wider area in pre-Roman Dacia, for example the so-called non-funerary pits containing human remains, those containing deposits of vessels or the burying of hoards consisting of silver jewellery. Accordingly, the hoard of Sâncr ieni belongs to a wider phenomenon specific to the Dacian civilization of the 1st century BC. On the other hand, its structure and characteristics seem to reflect the specific cultural features of the region in which it has been found. Chronology The recovered jewellery (Fig. 5) and coins are relevant for the dating of the context of discovery. Four decades ago, K. Horedt noted that the practice of Boroffka 1987, 55-57, map 1. Glodariu/Iaroslavschi 1979, 16-17, 23-25. 17 Crişan 2000, pl. 4. 18 Crişan 2000, 45-50. 19 Crişan 2000, 50-51. 15 16 Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 159 burying hoards containing silver jewellery is specific to the Dacian communities of Transylvania and the south of the Carpathians. He divided chronologically this phenomenon in three distinct horizons, according to the typological evolution of the jewellery and to its association with Greek or Roman coins. The first horizon corresponded to the LT D1 (125-75 BC), the second one to the LT D2 (75-25 BC), and the third horizon to the Augustan and early Tiberian period (25 BC – AD 25)20. The bracelets made of a silver rod and having flattened ends decorated with snake heads or geometric elements are encountered in a series of Transylvanian hoards belonging to the first horizon21 (see Table 1). They are mostly associated with brooches having knobs, but also with those of the late LT type, as in the Sâncr ieni hoard. Other contemporaneous jewellery sets contain other types of bracelets made of silver rods (twisted or with the ends rolled up), chains consisting of folded loops, torques-like necklaces, or spirals made of silver wire having undecorated ends. Lastly, in a few cases the jewellery set was buried together with Greek coins: drachmas of Apollonia and Dyrrachium or tetra-drachmas of Thasos. The brooches of the late LT type are usually associated with brooches having knobs, typical of the hoards dated in the first horizon, albeit in a few cases they also appear in hoards belonging to the next horizon, for example at Ghelin a and Cold u. The latter hoards contain large silver spiral bracelets having the ends decorated with zoomorphic elements combined with stamped palmettes. The two bracelets from the Sâncr ieni hoard (Fig. 5), both made of silver rods, are not forming a true pair. One of them has open ends, whereas the second bracelet has adjoined ends. Their decoration is also different. Similar situations have also been noted in other hoards, for example at Cehei, Cehe el (both containing three bracelets each) and S rm şag22. Thus the items from Sâncr ieni must have belonged to a single set of jewellery even if they are not morphologically identical. It has to be also noted that the decoration of one of the bracelets from Sâncr ieni (Fig. 5/2) has stylistical 20 Horedt 1973, 151. Zirra/Spânu 1992 suggest three main chronological phases of the hoards containing Dacian jewellery, separated by two intermediary phases. For a discussion regarding this chronology and other ideas proposed by the two mentioned authors see the objections in Medele 1994, 213-221. Spânu 2002 returns to this chronology and, ignoring his own theories expressed a decade earlier, divides the evolution of these hoards in just two groups by combining the second and the third groups identified by Horedt into a single one. However, the author fails to argue in favour of his new theory. 21 A pair of brooches with open decorated ends belongs to the (now lost) hoard discovered at Remetea Mare and dated to the Augustan period, but their morphology seems to be different from those of the pieces coming from earlier hoards (Bleyer 1906). 22 Medele 1994, 216 also suggested that some of these “bracelets” might have been used as anklets. 160 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region analogies on two brooches from the Cehe el hoard, also coming from eastern Transylvania23. At the same time, the brooches which were included into the aforementioned silver jewellery sets usually belonged to one or more pairs, being worn symmetrically on the shoulders, while the assemblage was completed by a single brooch worn on the chest, either one of the same type, but having different dimensions, or of a different type24. All these brooches could have been linked with metal chains or with strings made of organic materials (textiles or leather etc.)25. Due to this particularity it is quite possible that one or more brooches belonging to the jewellery set from Sâncr ieni might have not been recovered. Taking into consideration the aforementioned observations, the hoard from Sâncr ieni can be dated to the first horizon of Dacian hoards, more precisely to the LT D1. This dating is also sustained by the accompanying silver vessels (Fig. 2-4), which belong to three major forms: hemispherical and conical cups (mastoi) and two-handled goblets (kantharoi). These forms have a wide distribution around the Mediterranean and even farther, being made of metal, ceramic and glass. The variants of hemispherical and conical cups represented in the Sâncr ieni hoard are usually dated between 150 and 50 BC26. In the northern Balkans and in Dacia they appear in a series of hoards dated in the same period, for example at Sindel, Bohot and Jakimovo in Bulgaria or at Bucureşti-Her str u and Lupu in Romania (see Table 2). At Jakimovo the conical cups are associated with late Republican bronze vessels and two silver kantharoi (one complete and another fragmentarily preserved). A grave from Doirentsi in Bulgaria contains a bronze pan of the Aylesford type and a silver kantharos, together with the typical panoply of arms of the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group. The silver vessels from Sâncr ieni As already mentioned the silverware assemblage consists of 15 vessels – two hemispherical cups, five conical cups and eight two-handled goblets or kantharoi27. The decorative patterns on all vessels were gilded. If only the general morphology is taken into consideration, the assemblage apparently Szèkely 1965, fig. 3/1-2. Medele 1994, 217; Rustoiu 1997, 80-83, table 1. 25 Medele 1994, 217-218; Rustoiu 1997, 83. 26 See for example Graue 1974, 30; Horedt 1973, 143, who considered that the peak of their popularity corresponds to the first quarter of the 1st century BC; Piana Agostinetti/Priuli 1985; Spânu 2002, 115; Spânu/Cojocaru 2009, 98; Rodriguez Casanova 2008, 237-239; Baratte 2001, 298-299, fig. 24 and 26 etc. 27 The numbering of the vessels in this article corresponds to that in Popescu 1958. 23 24 Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 161 comprises two drinking sets, one consisting of vessels with a foot-base and two handles, and another of foot-less and handle-less cups that probably had to be mostly hand-held. However, several morphological, decorative and manufacturing details suggest a far more diverse origin of the vessels, which seem to have been manufactured in different workshops or by different craftsmen. The two undecorated hemispherical cups (Fig. 2, no. 1 and 2) are morphologically and dimensionally identical, the form being very common from the Caucasus region and Iran to Egypt, Spain, southern Italy and the Balkans, although its origin and subsequent impact on ceramic production are still debated28. The first three conical cups (Fig. 2, no. 3, 4 and 5, the last one being fragmentary preserved) are also identical despite some small dimensional variations, and have the so-called “Attic profile”29. The form is also quite common around the Mediterranean in the late Hellenistic times, being encountered from Greece and the Balkans to the Iberian Peninsula. The fragmentary cup no. 5 is inscribed with the Greek letters , representing either an abbreviated name (perhaps of the owner) or an indication of capacity or weight, the latter hypothesis being the most plausible, although the monetary standard used in this case remains unknown30. The next two conical cups (Fig. 2, no. 6 and 7), richly decorated on the rim and the upper half, seem to form a distinct pair, but some decorative details slightly differentiate them. Their morphology is less common and is probably inspired by earlier eastern Mediterranean or northern Balkans prototypes like those from the Rogozen hoard, whereas the decorative elements represent specific interpretations of certain southern motifs. Summarising these observations, it has to be noted that this apparently uniform group of vessels is in fact composed of three sub-groups, each having morphological, decorative and even manufacturing characteristics indicating that they may have different origins in the eastern Mediterranean or in the Balkans. Similar sub-groups can be also noted amongst the two-handled goblets or kantharoi. The vessel no. 9 (Fig. 3) has no pair within the assemblage and displays distinct morphological and manufacturing features that resemble the Late Republican metal vessels produced in Italic workshops31. 28 See note 25; for ceramic examples see the comments and further bibliography in Rotroff 1982, 6-9; 2006, 367-376; Kiely/Perna 2010, 96-97 etc. 29 Py 1993, 132. 30 See other examples in Venedikov 1961; 358-362; Theodossiev 1991, 44-45; Zournatzi 2000; Spânu 2002, 117; 2012b, 92. 31 See for example the handle fittings of certain types of situlae (Bolla 1991, 16-17) and beakers (Boube 1991, 25-28 and 34-37; Feugère 1991, 55-56); see also Piana Agostinetti/ Priuli 1985, fig. 1-2 and 6a-b; Piana Agostinetti 1998, 42-44; Spânu 2012a, 74-75. 162 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region The next two vessels no. 8 and 15 (Fig. 3) share many morphological details, but the decoration and some relevant manufacturing details related to the foot’s shape and base indicate that they might have been made by different craftsmen. In both cases the handles and the general morphology seem to suggest a Mediterranean (perhaps Italic) prototype32, albeit the vessels themselves might have been made elsewhere, more likely in the northern Balkans or the lower Danube region. The goblet no. 14 (Fig. 3), richly decorated with vegetal details and having a larger foot base, also has no pair in the assemblage. The morphological and manufacturing details suggest that the craftsman who made it was perhaps trained in a Greek centre from the eastern Mediterranean, or more likely in a workshop from the northern Balkans working in the late Hellenistic tradition. Furthermore, some nearly identical silver goblet bases have been found in the inventory of a workshop at Surcea, not far from Sâncr ieni, indicating that an itinerant specialised craftsman might have worked in the region33. Lastly, the vessels no 10, 11, 12 and 13 (Fig. 4) are fairly similar, displaying nearly identical morphological, decorative and manufacturing details that seem to be local interpretations of certain Hellenistic elements (for example the use of the so-called “Herakles knot” on handles or the imbricate-leaf decoration on the cup)34. These features may suggest that the vessels were made in the same workshop, very probably in the northern Balkans or the lower Danube region, although the activity of an itinerant specialised craftsman in Transylvania cannot be excluded, given that some morphological and manufacturing elements resemble those of the kantharos no. 14. The manner in which the decorative elements were combined on these cups resembles the ornamentation of the Hellenistic ceramic hemispherical cups, especially of the Athenian and Corinthian ones, and it has been suggested, due to some technological details, that these kantharoi might have been manufactured by adding feet and handles to some silver hemispherical cups35. Oliver 1965, 179, fig. 1; Piana Agostinetti/Priuli 1985, fig. 6a (grave XXXV at Ancona); Piana Agostinetti 1998, 42-44, fig. 4; Painter 2001, 58-60; Spânu 2012a, 75. 33 Fettich 1953, 128-132; Székely 1954, 5-14. 34 According to Athenaeus (XI, 500a), the vessels decorated with the “Herakles knot” were known as Ἡ ; the motif was used as a good-luck symbol on Classical and Hellenistic ceramic skyphoi and kantharoi, on metal vessels and jewellery (Treister 1996, 211; Rotroff 1997, 89, n. 21, with further bibliography). For the imbricateleaf motif see Rotroff 1982, 16-17. 35 Spânu 2012a, 76-77; 2012b, 84. 32 Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 163 In conclusion the assemblage of silver vessels from Sâncr ieni is not a unitary drinking set, nor two such sets presumably imitating the late Hellenistic ones, but is an accumulation of vessels having different morphologies and origins36. The structure of the assemblage of silverware is very different from that of other contemporaneous hoards containing vessels discovered northward the Danube (Fig. 6). For example at Lupu the set of jewellery and decorated phalerae is accompanied by a silver hemispherical cup and a bronze beaker of the Gallarate type37, whereas at Her str u the silver conical cup was found together with a late Republican bronze situla of the Eggers 21-22 type38 and a jewellery set. Southward the Danube the situation is slightly different and only at Jakimovo the vessels are accompanied by a pair of silver spiral bracelets. The hoard contains four silver conical cups and two kantharoi (one fragmentary preserved), as well as three fragmentary late Republican bronze vessels: a situla of the Costeşti-Tilişca type39, a strainer and a pseudoskyphos made by a local craftsman who transformed a beaker probably of the Gallarate type40. On the other hand the deposit of vessels discovered at Bohot, also in Bulgaria, consists of a bronze situla of the Eggers 20 type41 and nine silver conical cups, whereas from the incompletely recovered hoard from Sindel, near Varna42, which presumably included at least ten items, only four silver conical cups are preserved. The silver vessels from Bohot and Sindel are inscribed with Greek letters indicating their weight, with the exception of two cases from the first site in which the name probably of the owner – Pastrokos – is also incised43. While analysing the handles, cups and foot-bases of the kantharoi from Sâncr ieni, Spânu (2012a, 76-78) considers that the vessel no. 9 (in the present numbering) is a Mediterranean product (probably Italic), while the remaining vessels were made in a local (“Barbarian”) workshop by at least two craftsmen belonging to two successive generations. 37 For the type see Boube 1991. 38 Rustoiu 2005, 57-58. 39 For the type see Rustoiu 2005, 58-60. 40 The trace of a heart-shaped handle fitting that was attached to the vessel before its transformation can be still seen on the body (Marazov 1979, 21, fig. 9; Vassilev 1979, 71, fig. 1). 41 Rustoiu 2005, 56, n. 25. 42 Sometimes in the specialist literature the findspot is wrongly localised at Varna or Varna-Sindel Railway Station (!?): Spânu 2002, 116-117, 130, fig. 25; Spânu/Cojocaru 2009, 99, fig. 6 etc. In reality the Sindel village, Avren municipality, Varna District, is located at around 30 km south-west of Varna, the hoard being discovered in the area of the railway station. Only three cups are preserved in a museum from Sofia and the fourth one is in the Museum of Varna, whereas other artefacts were lost: Venedikov 1961. 43 Theodossiev 1991, 44-45. 36 164 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region The functional structure of the hoards discovered southward of the Danube (at least of those from Jakimovo and Bohot) suggests that they are feasting assemblages created through an accumulation of items having different origins, but serving a common purpose. From this point of view they seem to be local adaptations of the late Hellenistic drinking sets, although some features of the Jakimovo hoard also point to certain Italic influences. On the other hand, the accumulation of silverware from Sâncr ieni can be interpreted from a different perspective, taking into consideration the practical and symbolic significance of the Dacian silver jewellery hoards. The significance of the Dacian silver jewellery hoards The structural analysis of the Dacian silver jewellery hoards indicates that they consist of sets of garment accessories which technologically and functionally have a unitary character. More precisely they are not simple accumulations of valuable items collected during a given period, as the components seem to have been made in the same time, most probably by a single artisan, and for a single individual44; they were later buried together as a set, very probably upon the owner’s death45. These sets of garment accessories commonly consist of brooches, usually worn as pairs or in combination with others of the same or of a different type, pairs or combinations of different bracelets, as well as neck jewellery (chains and rigid necklaces of the torques type, sometimes more than one in the latter case), and rarely hair ornaments. Some of the ringshaped ornaments might have been used as anklets, as it had happened in the Central European LT area. This particular compositional and functional structure indicates that the owners were women46. It is also important to note that garment accessories that are typologically similar to those included in the aforementioned silver jewellery sets are absent (with a few small exceptions)47 The single exception is the hoard from S r cs u, which contains two costumes (see further comments in Medele 1994, 217). 45 Medele 1993, 17; 1994, 199 and 216-217. 46 Horedt 1973; Medele 1993; 1994. 47 Sîrbu/Rustoiu 1999; Rustoiu 2002; 2005; Luczkiewicz/Schönfelder 2008. Amongst the exceptions can be listed the grave from Dubova, in the Iron Gates region, which contains a silver twisted bracelet typical of the early hoards from Transylvania. Still, the context of discovery is insufficiently known (Rustoiu 2007, 86-87, n. 19). On the other hand this bracelet was found outside its main distribution area, so it may belong to a peripheral phenomenon. The burial from Dubova, known from a long time (see for example Zirra 1976, 179-180, fig. 3, no. 18, and fig. 4/4-5, 9), has been republished in Spânu 2003 as an unknown discovery from the Iron Gates region, the author later providing its correct location (Spânu 2001-2002, but published in 2004). Luczkiewicz/ Schönfelder 2008, 187, fig. 23/7 erroneously mention that the bracelet is made of gold. 44 Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 165 from the burials containing weaponry and belonging to the PadeaPanagjurski Kolonii group, which was contemporaneous with the horizon of the hoards. In the early period of the Dacian silver hoards (more precisely in the early and middle horizons) the types of jewellery included in the silver garment sets were never made of common metals like bronze or iron. Thus, it might be presumed that their use was restricted to a certain group within the communities, quite small and having a particular status, and for whom they probably served as identity symbols48. Furthermore, these types of jewellery are rarely discovered in settlements, and in such cases they only come from particular contexts49. For example a set of brooches with knobs, a rigid necklace and a chain have been found together with half-finished items and silver ingots in the settlement from T şad, but they belong to the inventory of a jeweller’s workshop50. The hoards of silver jewellery were always buried outside the settlements, but regularly close to some fortified centres or fortresses, thus illustrating a particular relationship with the local authority. Their symbolic value and the strong social identification between these sets and the individuals who owned and used them are suggested by the frequent intentional destruction of the inventory before burial (cutting, smashing, tight folding etc). As concerning their contexts of discovery (if this information has been recorded), it has been noted that the hoards were less deeply buried, at 0.30 – 0.67 m (the situations from Lupu and Oradea I are particular)51. It is perhaps relevant that a series of Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group burials from Oltenia and Transylvania have a similar depth range (0.30 – 0.60 m)52. It can be therefore suggested that these silver jewellery sets belonged to some women having a particular status. The feminine characters depicted on a series of phalerae, for example at Lupu, on which the brooches with knobs can be seen53, indicate that their status was related to the performing of certain rituals. Furthermore, upon the death of these 48 For the ways in which different costumes, garment accessories or jewellery contribute to the construction and expression of individual and group identities within and outside the community see Arnold 2008, 375-379; Rothe 2009, 5-10, with further bibliography. For the methodological and interpretative problem of “gendering” the artefacts in particular archaeological contexts see for example Arnold 1995; Knüsel 2002, 277-279; Diaz-Andreu 2005, 22-25; Péré-Noguès 2008, 152. 49 Medele 1993; 1994. 50 Chidioşan 1977. 51 See the statistic in Spânu 2002, 86-87, fig. 2. 52 Nicol escu-Plopşor 1945-1947, 21-22, 27; Ciugudean/Ciugudean 1993, 77 etc. 53 Spânu 1996. 166 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region priestesses or when their function had ceased, their individualised jewellery sets, which must have been an intrinsic part of a specific ceremonial costume, were destroyed and buried in the vicinity of the communities in which they served as masters of the sacred, perhaps within a formal ceremony. These objects had to be destroyed because they were part of the social persona of the owner, an individual who had exceptional powers and was able to get in contact with the divinity or with other immortal spirits. As a consequence the objects themselves were very probably perceived as having a sacred or even dangerous character for those who were not able to handle them properly54. In this context the presence of metal or ceramic ware is relevant. Some drinking-related vessels (an amphora at Lupu and a kantharos at Jakimovo) are depicted on some phalerae showing feminine characters performing certain rituals, probably divinities or priestesses, which may suggest that they were regularly used in such practices. A few hoards include silver and bronze vessels, for example the aforementioned ones from Lupu and Her str u, to which the hoard from Vedea, containing a late Republican silver beaker, can be added. Other hoards of silver jewellery might have included ceramic drinking-related vessels. However many assemblages were accidentally found, so the associated ceramic containers might have been overlooked by the discoverers due to their non-spectacular nature. Still, in a few cases their presence was noted, for example a ceramic kantharos was identified at S r cs u. The significance of the hoard from Sâncr ieni Previous analyses of the hoard suggested a connection between its burial and the nearby fortresses from Jigodin, and considered that the vessels belonged to a feasting assemblage amassed by one of the local chieftains, and the deposit might have been a particularly lavish offering55. However, similar drinking sets are absent from Transylvania or outside the Carpathians. At the same time its functional structure is different from those of other contemporaneous feasting assemblages identified in the Balkans56, Greece57, northern Italy58 or the Scordiscian area59, even if some of its composing 54 The funerary or votive character of these hoards was already suggested, see Medele 1993, 19-20; 1994, 200-201, 219-220; Babeş 2001, 749-750 etc. 55 Crişan 2000, 69 and 142-143, pl. 119-122, with previous bibliography; Florea 2004, 519; Spânu 2012b, 133-134. 56 Marazov 2000, 229-260. 57 For the structural and functional differences between the Archaic, Classical Greek, Macedonian, late Hellenistic, late Republican and early Roman imperial banquet see Dunbabin 2003, 11-24; Vössing 2004; Craven 2007, 7-31. 58 Piana Agostinetti/Priuli 1985; Bolla 1991; Piana Agostinetti 1998. Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 167 elements are also encountered in one or another of the mentioned areas. It might be therefore presumed that its composition reflects some particularities of the local convivial practices, but the unusual combination of cups and kantharoi more likely suggest a multiplication of the typical couple of drinking vessels included in the aforementioned Dacian hoards, which very probably had a ceremonial role. The key elements in deciphering the significance of the hoard from Sâncr ieni are: its context of discovery, the functional structure of the assemblage and the functional and structural relationships between this hoard and others from the north and the south of the Danube. Starting with the functional structure of the assemblage, it has to be noted that there are four relevant elements: one specific set of garment accessories, the assemblage of different drinking vessels, two coins and a ceramic vessel which was presumably used as a container. As already mentioned, the ritual-related inventories consisting of a particular costume-set and one or two drinking-related vessels were always made and assembled for a single individual. The structural characteristics of these assemblages, as well as their subsequent treatment, indicate that they were considered part of the social self of the owners and symbols of their identity and function, in the same way in which the sword, or in some cases the entire panoply of arms, is perceived as a symbol of the warrior identity and function60. The vessels, always drinking-related, were very probably used in specific rituals that implied the consumption of alcoholic beverages61, which have psychoactive properties facilitating the temporary transformation of the self and the subsequent transgression of the initiated individuals from the world of the mortals into another, populated by gods, ancestors or other immortal spirits62. As a consequence, the vessels might have been perceived by the community as ritual-bounded instruments, representing the ability of the owners to communicate with the divine, so Egri/Rustoiu 2008. Rustoiu/Berecki 2013, with further bibliography; see also the comments related to the burial of ritualists in Knüsel 2002, 297-298. 61 Spânu (2012b, 133-135) interprets the presence of vessels as pars pro toto of some feasting sets imitating the late Republican wine services even if he acknowledges their occasional depiction on ritual-related scenes. This interpretation is probably based on the presence of some late Republican vessels in these hoards, but it fails to explain why only some categories of vessels are included (cups, beakers, situlae, and always one or two items) while others (for example strainers or ladles) are conspicuously absent, even if the latter forms were sometimes recovered from settlements (see Rustoiu 2005). Thus it is more probably that the local consumers actively selected such vessels according to their own needs, and in these particular contexts these were dictated by ritual prescriptions. 62 For the ritualized consumption of alcohol see Dietler 2006, 232-237; Steuer 2006, 1920; Egri 2013b, with further bibliography; see also Marazov 2000, 61-64. 59 60 168 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region they had to be always destroyed and buried upon their death. The practice was not only meant to protect the sacred objects from being taken over and used by un-initiated people, but also to transfer the material symbols of the priestess personhood into the after-world. The latter meaning corresponds to an important phase of the mortuary ceremonies in which a series of carefully coded practices are designed to facilitate the separation of the deceased from the world of the living and their integration into the afterworld by severing the connections established between the deceased as a social person and the community63. It has to be also noted that these particular assemblages were interred in the same period in which the properly set up burials largely disappeared in Dacia64. These symbolic burials therefore contain only the material symbols (identity-kits) of these women’s status and function, which were more relevant for the community than their corpses, a hypothesis also suggested by the location of these hoards outside the dwelling area of the communities, but closely enough to maintain a symbolic connection. Thus, although the priestesses (or ritualists, as Knüsel has chosen to name them65) were physically dead, they continued to be symbolically present in the local collective memory, perhaps as mnemonic means of consecrating a certain location, or to confirm the legitimacy of the community or of the ruler, or to claim certain lands or boundaries as ancestral and protected by supernatural powers66. Returning to the hoard from Sâncr ieni, its composition can be interpreted in two ways, both starting from the fact that a costume-set belonging to a priestess was buried together with other symbols of status (the silver coins) and a certain number of drinking-vessels. Only this unusually large number of vessels differentiates this hoard from others discovered in Dacia (Fig. 6). Other assemblages consisting of a large number of similar vessels are only known from the northern Balkans, but only at Jakimovo they are accompanied by jewellery, which is different from the specific costume-set from Dacia. The hoard from Jakimovo is more likely a drinking set of late Hellenistic inspiration, but having a hybrid character that may illustrate particular local convivial practices. The same can be said about the hoard from Bohot, consisting of nine quasi-similar conical cups and a situla, the latter perhaps fulfilling the role of the krater in which the wine was mixed with water and spices in the Greek manner, although other related items are missing. Hertz 2004; see also Hamilakis 1998, 115-122; Williams 2004, 422-423. Babeş 1988; Popa 2013; a theoretical approach in Egri 2012, 507-509. 65 Knüsel 2002, 275-277. 66 For the use of burials as symbolic landmarks contributing to the creation of localised narratives see Egri 2012, 516-517, with further bibliography. 63 64 Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 169 The presence of an unusually large number of vessels at Sâncr ieni may have two possible explanations. One hypothesis is that the costume-set was accompanied by several drinking vessels accumulated through time and considered either an integral part of the social function, status and identity of the owner, thus justifying their burial, or the material expression of the religious devotion of those who commemorated the deceased priestess in this way. In both cases the community might have believed in an afterlife in which the spirits of the deceased participated in feasting ceremonies. A certain influence coming from the Mediterranean perhaps through the mediation of the Balkans communities, including the use of kantharoi – a form which is missing in Transylvania in this period – can also be presumed. However, there is no other comparable archaeological context and the way in which the drinking vessels were treated in the interring ritual cannot be easily connected with feasting. Another hypothesis is based on the quite heteroclite character of the assemblage of vessels. Some of them are singular, while others form pairs or even a triplet. These groupings are more consistent with the number of drinking vessels (one or two) regularly accompanying the ritual costumesets. Since they also have different shapes, decorations and origins, it might be possible that they were brought over by several individuals as offerings upon the death of an important priestess. There are no analogies for this practice in Transylvania, but two examples from two different areas are illustrative. An interesting funerary inventory comes from the grave of a woman discovered at Csobaj in Hungary67, which contains 15 ceramic vessels (Fig. 7), including a kantharos having the handles decorated with ram heads – a vessel which was only used by certain individuals and was always buried with the owner68. A large number of ceramic finds is less frequently found in funerary contexts from the Carpathian Basin during the LT C1, while the morphological and functional structure of the assemblage is rather unusual. Aside from the kantharos, its range of forms includes another drinking vessel and a deep bowl, as well as six ceramic pairs, each consisting of a tall bi-truncated vessel and a bowl. These pairs are not identical, each vessel being slightly different, although all of the tall bitruncated vessels and all bowls obviously belong to the same functional groups respectively. More than that, one of these pairs consists of handmade vessels of indigenous origin. The entire ceramic assemblage might have been used for the funerary feast, or as a sign of conspicuous 67 68 Hellebrandt 1989. Rustoiu/Egri 2011, 73-75. 170 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region consumption, a quite common marker of a higher social status. On the other hand the pairs of vessels might have been used as containers for offerings of food and beverage perhaps brought to the grave by six different mourners, each of them using a (standard?) ceramic “set” having the same functionality but being morphologically slightly different. The remaining tableware (consisting of three vessels) was probably destined to the individual use of the deceased in the afterlife. A nearly similar practice was already suggested in the case of the late Iron Age – early Roman cemetery at King Harry Lane, Verulamium (St. Albans, England). The large number of ceramic vessels encountered in certain burials has not been interpreted as a marker of the wealth of the deceased or of the family, but an indication of the size and strength of their social network69. In both situations presented above, those who made such offerings could have been members of the family, clients, friends or any other individual closely connected with the deceased or with his/her social group, while the motivations and beliefs which generated this practice might have differed from one community to another. They were a form of commemorative practice which sought to restore the social connections between the participants while facilitating the separation of the deceased’s persona from the social body. It might be therefore presumed that the assemblage of silver drinking vessels from Sâncr ieni consists of items which were relevant for the social function, status and identity of a priestess, being similar with those used in the rituals. The vessels were selected, brought over and offered by a number of individuals as part of a ritual of separation in which the material symbols related to the social self of the priestess were buried in order to be transferred into another world. It is rather difficult to say how these vessels were used within the interring ritual, or if this was a convivial practice of commemorative nature in which the participants consumed alcoholic beverages. The participating individuals must have had access to such goods, but they were less likely priestesses themselves; equally they might have shared a particular social status or function with the owner. Why this priestess was honoured in such an outstanding manner – this is still an open question, albeit the trans-regional importance of the Jigodin area might have played an important role. 69 Millett 1993, 267 and 275-276; see also Brun 2004, 58-60. Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu 171 List 1. Hoards containing late LT brooches and bracelets made of silver rods. See Table 1. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Bistri a: Fettich 1953, 152-155, Fig. 20-21, Pl. 23. Cehei: Chiril /Matei 1986; Pop 2008, 43-45. Cehe el: Székely 1965, 51-58. Cold u: Fettich 1953, 157-160, Fig. 23. Ghelin a: Fettich 1953, 156-157, Pl. 28, 29/2, 30/1. Mediaş: M rghitan 1976, 35-36. S c l s u 1: Fettich 1953, 160-161, Fig. 24. S c l s u (Nou) 2: Dumitraşcu/Molnar 1975. S rm şag: Glodariu 1968; Pop 2008, 62-66. Slimnic: Popescu 1945-1947, 51-54; M rghitan 1976, 52-53. List 2. Hoards, workshops and graves containing metal or ceramic vessels. See Table 2. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Bohot: Venedikov 1961, 355-358; L’or des cavaliers Thraces 1987, no. 484-493. Bucureşti-Her str u: Popescu 1945-1947; Spânu/Cojocaru 2009. Doirentsi: Bergquist/Taylor 1987, 18-19. Jakimovo: Milčev 1973; Marazov 1979. Lupu: Glodariu/Moga 1994. S r cs u: Floca 1956, 7-18. Sindel: Venedikov 1961, 358-364. Surcea: Fettich 1953, 128-132. Vedea: Popescu 1937-1940. List 3. Silver hemispherical and conical cups and kantharoi in the northern Balkans and Transylvania. See Table 2 and Fig. 6. Romania 1. Bucureşti – Her str u (1 cup): Popescu 1945-1947; Spânu/Cojocaru 2009. 2. Lupu (1 cup): Glodariu/Moga 1994. 3. Marca (jewellery and 1 cup?): Horedt 1973, no. 32; Pop 2008, 48. 4. Sâncr ieni (7 cups and 8 kantharoi). 5. Surcea (workshop; 4 foot-bases of kantharoi): Fettich 1953, 128-132. 6. Turnu Severin (2 cups): Popescu 1958, 186. Bulgaria 7. Bohot (9 cups): Venedikov 1961, 355-358; L’or des cavaliers Thraces1987, no. 484-493. 8. Doirentsi (1 kantharos): Bergquist/Taylor 1987, 18-19. 9. Jakimovo (4 cups and 2 kantharoi): Milčev 1973; Marazov 1979. 10. Sindel (10 cups): Venedikov 1961, 358-364. 172 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region List of illustrations Fig. 1. The geographic and archaeological environment of the hoard from Sâncr ieni. Dacian fortresses (yellow dots): 1. Jigodin I; 2. Jigodin II; 3. Jigodin III; 4. Leliceni. 5. Andesite quarry at Sâncr ieni (red dot). Fig. 2. Sâncr ieni – silver hemispherical and conical cups no. 1-7 (after Popescu 1958). Fig. 3. Sâncr ieni – silver kantharoi no. 8-9 and 14-15 (after Popescu 1958). Fig. 4. Sâncr ieni – silver kantharoi no. 10-13 (after Popescu 1958). Fig. 5. Sâncr ieni – silver jewellery from the hoard (after Popescu 1958). Fig. 6. Distribution of the silver cups and kantharoi northward and southward of the Danube. Fig. 7. Ceramic inventory from the grave at Csobaj (after Hellebrandt 1989 and Rustoiu/Egri 2011). 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Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu Fig.3. 185 186 Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region Fig.4. Mariana Egri, Aurel Rustoiu Fig.5. 187 188 Fig.6. Sacred conviviality in the Lower Danube region